Certain scarce resources seem indivisible, unlike, e.g., land and cattle. But some such resources can be, and have been, turned into private property. In offshore fishing grounds, individual tranferable quotas have been issued to fishing firms that have, as a result, become custodians of fish stocks in those grounds. In the eel fishery on the Danish coast owners of farms by the coast had traditional rights to lay eeltraps leasing those rights out to professional fishermen. In the 1920’s in the (...) U.S., individual firms were gradually being granted, by court decision, exclusive broadcasting rights in a certain area and on a certain frequency. Grazing rights in Iceland were, from the beginning, allocated by quotas belonging to individual farmers. Fishing rights in Icelandic salmon rivers were also alocated by tradition to individual farmers.Certaines ressources rares semblent être indivisibles, contrairement à la terre et aux bovins par exemple. Mais de telles ressources peuvent devenir, et sont devenues, des biens privés. Dans le domaine des zones de pêche offshore, des quotas individuels transférables ont étés accordés aux entreprises de pêche qui sont devenues les gardiennes des stocks de poissons dans ces zones. Dans les pêcheries d’anguilles sur les côtes danoises, les propriétaires des fermes côtières avaient traditionnellement des droits pour poser des pièges et pouvaient louer ces droits à des pêcheurs professionnels. Dans les années 20 aux Etats Unis, des décisions de justice ont graduellement accordé à des entreprises individuelles des droits exclusifs de radiodiffusion sur certaines zones et sur certaines fréquences. Les droits de pâturage en Islande furent originellement alloués par quotas à des fermiers individuels. Les droits de pêche dans les rivières peuplées de saumons en Islande furent aussi alloués de manière traditionnelle à des fermiers individuels. (shrink)

Rawls’ theory is about prudence rather than justice. It is about the kind of political structure on which rational people would agree if they were preparing for the worst. Other strategies, such as confining redistribution to upholding a safety net, might also be plausible. Rawls’ theory is Georgism in persons: the income from individual abilities is regarded as if it is at the disposal of the collective and could be taxed as rent. This goes against the strong moral intuition of (...) self-ownership. However, Rawls’ question, where the worst off are as well off as they can be, is interesting. According to the Index of Economic Freedom, it actually may be under relatively unfettered capitalism. Unlike Rawls, Piketty is chiefly worried about the rich, seeking to impose confiscatory taxes on them. But the rich are not a fixed, unchangeable group of people who can effortlessly watch their capital accumulate. Capital is precarious, as is vividly illustrated in Balzac’s novel Père Goriot which Piketty quotes. Different as the approaches of Rawls and Piketty are, both of them agree that their ideal society has to be closed: It must become ‘socialism in one country.’. (shrink)

The article reports considerable changes in the content and style of German election coverage between 1990 and 2002. The findings are based on a content analysis of the main evening news of the four major television channels, spanning four Bundestag elections. During the observation period, television has immensely expanded its coverage of the top candidates. While the presence of the candidates in the news increased, they were not able to get their issues across to the audience. The news discourse was (...) narrowed down to election and campaigning as issues. Matters of campaigning style, the ‘game schema’, as well as election polls became increasingly salient. The number of sound bites grew, although the average sound bite length decreased slightly. The presentation of the candidates became more vivid and more colorful, and, thus, more attractive for the audience. On the other hand, there are no signs of increasing negativism. The observable trends in the scope and kind of presentation of candidates can be interpreted as increasing personalization and dramatization of media coverage. The changes partially fit into the pattern of convergence. These developments are partly rooted in the change of the German television market. Other results can be explained by historical incidents such as the German unification in 1990, and by the candidate constellation during each election. In spite of some similarities with developments in the US, the authors argue that it would be misleading to label the observable changes of German election coverage as ‘Americanization’. (shrink)

Deux ques t ions impor tantes sont rarement posées à propos de l’introduction possible de Quotas Individuels Transférables dans les pêcheries : Pourquoi n’y a-t-il que deux pays dans le monde, l’Islande et la Nouvelle Zélande, qui ont introduit un système compréhensible de QIT dans leurs pêcheries? et : qui s’occupe de la privatisation des biens d’accès libre? L’expérience de l’Islande peut donner quelques réponses. Dans une première partie, l’évolution du système de QIT en Islande entre 1975 et 2000 est (...) décrite comme un processus difficile de marchandage. D’une part les coûts de marchandage furent abaissés par la crainte répandue de la disparition des stocks de poisson, et par la relative homogénéité dans les pêcheries pélagiques. D’autre part ces coûts furent augmentés, par l’hétérogénéité dans les pêcheries démersales, avec des différences immenses entre les propriétaires de petits bateaux et ceux de grands chalutiers, ainsi que des différences entre les régions. Dans la seconde partie, est décrite la nature du système de QIT: alors que ceux qui détiennent des QIT jouissent de droits d’extraction plutôt que de la propriété, l’introduction du système de QIT équivaut à clôturer partiellement les stocks de poisson dans les eaux d’Islande, résolvant ainsi la plupart des problèmes associés à la “tragédie des communs”. Le système a plutôt bien opéré mis à part quelques problèmes subsistants, en particulier le statut légal incertain des QIT et les prises de premier choix. La troisième partie décrit les controverses actuelles au sujet du système des QIT. Nous démontrons que le seul moyen de rendre l’introduction de ce système acceptable pour les propriétaires d’un capital de pêche était d’allouer des quotas sur la base de l’histoire des prises, et qu’une taxe spéciale sur la location des ressources serait injuste car elle frapperait ceux qui ont choisi de rester dans les pêcheries et non ceux qui ont été mis à l’écart.Two important questions are rarely asked about the possible introduction of ITQs in fisheries: Why are there only two countries in the world, Iceland and New Zealand, which have introduced a comprehensive ITQ system into their fisheries? and: Who cares whether the commons is privatized? The experience in Iceland may provide some answers. In Part 1, the evolution of the ITQ system in Iceland in 1975-2000 is described as a difficult process of bargaining. Costs of bargaining were lowered by the widespread fear of the collapse of the fish stocks, and by the relative homogeneity in the pelagic fisheries. Those costs were increased, on the other hand, by the heterogeneity in the demersal fisheries, with vast differences between owners of small boats and large trawlers, and also between regions. In Part II, the nature of the ITQ system is described: while those who hold ITQs enjoy rights of extraction rather than property, the introduction of the ITQ system amounts to the partial enclosure of the fish stocks in Icelandic waters, solving most of the problems associated with the “tragedy of the commons”. The system has performed quite well although some problems remain, in particular the uncertain legal status of the ITQs and high-grading. In Part III, current controversies about the ITQ system are described. It is argued that the only way to make the introduction of the system acceptable to owners of fishing capital was to allocate quotas on the basis of catch history, and that a special resource rent tax would be unjust, since it would hit those who chose to remain in the fisheries, not those who were bought out. (shrink)

Keine ausführliche Beschreibung für "Aristoteles als Wissenschaftstheoretiker" verfügbar.

Keine ausführliche Beschreibung für "Die epikureische Gesellschaftstheorie" verfügbar.

Piketty underestimates the disposable income of the poor, while he overestimates the corresponding income of the rich, for systemic reasons. Recently, global income inequality has gone down. Piketty's belief that in the long run the rate of return for capital will surpass economic growth is not plausible. Capital tends to disperse, and the creative powers of capitalism, leading to economic growth, should not be underestimated. Piketty is worried about the superrich, but he should rather be worried about the increased power (...) of government. What will happen if the rich cease to create wealth, as described in Atlas Shrugged? (shrink)

Mythen dienen der Bewaltigung praktischer gesellschaftlicher Probleme, sie bieten Anleitungen zum poietischen und praktisch-politischen Handeln - dies bildet das einigende Band der im vorliegenden Buch versammelten Beitrage. Aus dem Inhalt: Jan Assmann: Tod, Staat, Kosmos: Dimensionen des Mythos im Alten Agypten Stefan Breuer: Das Dritte Reich Michael Friedrich: Chinesische Mythen Bodo Guthmuller: Europa - Kontinent und antiker Mythos Joachim Heinzle: Unsterblicher Heldengesang. Die Nibelungen als nationaler Mythos der Deutschen Klaus Koch: Vom Mythos zum Monotheismus im alten Israel Jurgen Leonhardt/Katharina Krause: (...) Poesie und Bild: Die Actaeon-Geschichte in Ovids Metamorphosen. Stefan M. Maul: Altorientalische Schopfungsmythen Herfried Munkler: Der Antifaschismus als Grundungsmythos der DDR Reimar Schefold: Die mehrstimmige Botschaft: Manner- und Frauenperspektiven in indonesischen Mythen Renate Schlesier: Freuds Dionysos Arbogast Schmitt: Mythos bei Platon". (shrink)

Beginning in 2013, Pennsylvania State University Press will manage design, production, distribution, and subscription fulfillment, in both print and online editions, of The Journal of Rand Studies. This enterprise requires an expansion of the journal's editorial and advisory boards. The Editorial Board— Stephen Cox, Roderick Long, and Chris Sciabarra—welcomes Robert Campbell, while the Board of Advisors welcomes six new members, reflecting its growing interdisciplinary and global reach: David Beito, Peter Boettke, Susan Love Brown, Hannes Gissurarson, Steven Horwitz, and David (...) Mayer, who join founding board members Douglas Den Uyl, Mimi Gladstein, Robert Hessen, Lester Hunt, Eric Mack, and Douglas Rasmussen. (shrink)